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A blurred and hazy backdrop could be seen behind the brick wall,
which was twice the height of a man and enclosed the prison barracks
I called home. The main wall, a second boundary around the prison
barracks, arrogantly stood on high, looking down upon us. One section
was studded with a stockade and main office, as well as an arsenal.
Heavy locks and steel chains dangled on the iron doors. For more
than an hour we stared at one another, each with our own smile --
the jail's main gate and me.
A sentry in the tower lookout booth over the main gate sounded
5:30 am. This was followed by calls from other sentry booths along
the wall. Then a dark silhouette came out of the morning mist and
entered our special barrack. All of a sudden, the quiet of the morning
was broken by the booming command: 'poun-zan.'
It was the prison employee in charge of our section. He flitted
along the corridor of the special hall. I saw him moving around
the east wing of the prison and then heading toward the west wing
where we lived. The west wing was still silent. The prison guard,
or "hall-in-charge," was only about twenty steps away and the silence
in our barracks was unbearable. I was upset and later would regret
my decision, but I shouted the word 'poun-zan' at the top of my
voice to wake my fellow inmates.
The word 'poun-zan' is prison terminology, which literally means
to assume the squatting position with fisted hands on one's knees.
It is an order to be followed strictly by each and every inmate
at the designated time everyday, whenever a prison official walks
in, similar to the military command 'attention.' But I find it extremely
degrading to hear a loud mechanical voice shout 'poun-zan.' I also
believe this system was introduced at every prison in our country
with the objective of mentally torturing and eventually, dehumanizing
the prisoners.
This command is usually followed by beatings with rubber-clad iron
pipes, bamboo sticks and the sounds of ankle chains and the 'daut',
an iron rod fitted on ankle chains that keeps legs constantly stretched
apart, thus preventing normal walking. In addition to these, tear
gas bombs and other types of weapons are waiting on the sidelines
to crush those who try to move.
If any inmate refuses to follow the sitting ritual, all inmates
of that barrack must do 'poun-zan' for sometimes up to 240 hours,
sometimes from ten days to one year, depending on the seriousness
of the act of disobedience. According to our prison regulations
we must perform the sitting ritual twice a day. In the morning,
we must do 'poun-zan htaing' (sitting prison style) from 5:00 am
to 6:30 or 7 am when the sentry would signal for the opening of
the prison hall doors. This exercise is repeated in the evening
from 5:00 to 6:30 pm. When all prison doors are closed. If a prison
officer walks along the hall way, we have to do the sitting. If
an inmate has done something that breaks prison regulations, he
must do 'poun-zan htaing' most of the day, stopping only when he
sleeps.
A prison warden or someone in charge of the prison hall usually
comes to inspect us performing our regular sitting duties. He counts
the number of inmates in our barracks. If he makes a mistake in
counting or finds somebody missing, we are doomed to do the sitting
ritual through the night.
If SLORC officials or human rights committee members make a visit
to our prison, we are not allowed to speak all day. We have to sit
quietly, and our daily meals and showers would also be late.
Now I have volunteered to take up early morning sentry duties before
5 o' clock so that my fellow inmates could sleep longer. I wake
them up when the prison wardens approach our barrack. If a warden
or an employee is seen approaching, I shout 'poun-zan.' Although
my loud warning benefits my fellow inmates in some way, my heart
sinks every time I speak the words 'poun-zan,' the command that
has always trampled our pride. Today was an unforgettable day in
my life because I was released from prison. On this day I decided
not to shout 'poun-zan,' the word I hated most. Last night, in bidding
me farewell, my friends and other inmates sang many songs, prayed
for me and asked that I convey messages to their loved ones. I could
not sleep at all; neither could my fellow inmates. In the morning,
they must have fallen into deep sleep, confident that I would wake
them as usual. Knowing this, my earlier decision was dissolved by
my tears and I was nearly ready to shout 'poun-zan' again.
This morning I had the opportunity to pay my respects to the elders
in other cells. I also managed to send some clothes to the east-wing
of the main jail. The clothes, which were meant to be worn upon
my release, were smuggled into the prison. I had kept them in a
safe place because U Tin Aung Aung, the people's representative
from Mandalay, U Paik Ko of Pakokku and Gangaw representative threatened
that they would pour water on me on the day I was freed as it was
Thingyan time, the water festival of the Burmese people. While I
was paying respects to the elders, someone from the prison office
came to our barracks and told me that the prison officials wanted
to see me at the office. First I went to change my clothes and I
then walked slowly out of the east wing towards the main jail compound.
I gave a final look at the prison barrack I had made home for many
years. It was called 'Tharrawaddy Special Cells' and was surrounded
by an iron fence. There were three barracks in the compound, each
made up of 12 cells. The barrack in the front is well-known because
Saya San lived there in his final days. Saya San was a revolutionary
hero among the farmers who organized a revolt against the British
rulers. Nobody occupies that cell now and it has been maintained
as a small museum. Inside the cell is a picture of Saya San and
a brief biography. Only prisoners of the Tharrawaddy jail are allowed
to visit there and pay tribute to Saya San. On the wall hangs a
sign: "Maximum Security Prison Cells." It is in these cells where
we made our home.
Walking through a small door of the brick wall that surrounded
the east wing, I arrived at the main jail compound. In front of
me lay a long stretch of ground covered with beautiful multi-colored
flowers and a green carpet of vegetable fields. Prisoners in dirty,
shabby uniforms, which were originally, but no longer, white, were
busy digging, carrying earth and moving broken bricks. Some were
weeding the fields. The scene of prisoners working in the jail compound
looked very much like a foreign movie depicting medieval slaves
toiling in the fields owned by their landlords. I felt like a patient
whose head has been bandaged for many weeks and has had the bandages
removed for the first time. For years I had been shut off from the
outside world and suddenly, I found myself a free man, ready to
start a new life.
After going through a series of interrogations, I got a chance
to see the chief jailer. It is a prison tradition that the chief
jailer meets every inmate who receives a release order. I thought
that he would most probably tell me that I should behave well when
I got out of prison, however, when I sat at his desk he did not
give me such advice. Rather, he said that prison authorities had
made every effort to enable prisoners to fully enjoy their rights.
He also explained that in some cases, though they had sympathy towards
prisoners because they were government service personnel, the prison
officials were not able to allow prisoners to do certain things
-- they could get fired or they might be given jail terms for not
strictly following the orders from their superiors.
I told him that I understood very well the peculiar situation they
were in. I went on to say that he should not go beyond the legal
limits, and should always hold the view that prisoners are also
human beings. The officer seemed to agree with what I had said.
The jailer, U Hla Tun, was new, recently transferred to Tharrawaddy.
He and I went on to have a friendly conversation. He began asking
me about my plans for the future. He said he would like to know
what type of business I would take up; he also wanted to know whether
I would leave the country. With a smile, I replied that I would
probably be back in jail and that I did not like the government.
Hla Tun was astonished and speechless. He was shocked and scared
to hear such a rebuttal.
My heart was pounding when I walked through the main jail gate
and as soon as I stepped through the gate my preconceived notion
of life on the outside disappeared. I was greeted by a very distressful
scene -- women in shabby, dirty, patched clothes, carrying entirely
naked children. From the look of those women it was obvious that
they have been exposed to the sun, rain and cold weather. I thought
that their sun-burnt hair must never have been touched by any type
of oil. These women, in fact, were there to visit their husbands
who remained in the prison.
The women were tussling with one another to get entry to the guest
hall. A child cried out in a desperate mother's arms. Prison wardens
were yelling at the women. My friends now inside the prison were
used to beatings and being yelled at by wardens. It was our lifestyle.
It was a kind of hell, far removed from human society. However,
I was able to endure this ill-treatment in the prison because I
always thought that I was in there to serve the interests of the
people. I believed that it was the highest form of struggle for
a man of honor. Sometimes, I was angry and vindictive because of
the physical and mental torture inflicted on inmates; sometimes,
we would all make fun of it.
Now I was out of prison for just a couple of minutes and I could
not bear the painful feelings in my heart when I saw those women
and children who endured the severe blows of a political system
they would never comprehend. For six years I did not have a chance
to witness the ills of society. In fact, I was totally unprepared
to be greeted by the realities of the outside world.
I caught my breath and was actually relieved when a police lock-up
van appeared on the road. Ahead was the desolate and dreary road
between the main jail and Tharawaddy town. I gave a final look at
the old fortress as I thought about what the others would be doing
inside the prison. This was the first time I ever had to ride in
a blue police lock-up van. I have spent six solid years in prison
but I never had a ride in the lock-up van before. I have never been
to a police station. I have never been to a court.
Many a time I had been to secret interrogation camps run by Military
Intelligence. Several times I had been at secret military tribunals.
So it was hard to believe that I could be in prison for six years
without knowing anything about a police lock-up, police station,
judge, attorney or be aware of the provisions of the law. When I
was thrown into jail the judicial machinery seemed to be afraid
of me.
It was strange. I did not have the opportunity to go through the
normal judicial channels. Even the colonels from the military tribunal
looked nervous when they read out the order handing down my prison
term. They did it and then they abruptly left.
After I was arrested I was taken to a small building enclosed by
several walls of wire mesh with only one door. It was a military
tribunal office, which looked more like a big birdcage. The office
compound was guarded by soldiers armed with all sorts of weapons.
Inside the building there also were soldiers carrying G-3 automatic
rifles studded with bayonets. They were surrounded by police officers
armed with M-16 rifles. My friend, who was arrested with me, and
I were closely watched by officers of a special branch of Military
Intelligence and the NIB (National Intelligence Bureau). We were
handcuffed together.
Through all this, I could never get an answer to my question:
"Why military officials, surrounded and protected by armed soldiers
in the heavily guarded office, could not solemnly hand down jail
terms to us?" While we were in prison we went through all kinds
of hardships and troubles, and we survived. Now I realized why the
military officials were so nervous in giving us jail sentences,
despite the fact that they were heavily guarded by armed soldiers.
Those who have integrity are feared by those who do not. Military
officials tried to hide their fear by reasserting their military
strength again and again. Justice, however, can never be destroyed
by force. Being powerful and strong, they were in a position to
handle judicial matters, but, they were morally defeated.
Not long after I got into the blue police van it stopped in front
of a township police station among a cluster of kou kou trees, but
I was informed that I could not get out of the van. I saw a white
car parked in front of the police station. The car was a Japanese
model and I thought perhaps it came from Rangoon. Just as I wondered
if it could be my family, I saw my mother and my nephew coming out
of the car and walking toward us. I was hiding in a corner, as I
thought they would feel ashamed to find me in a lock-up van. When
my nephew recognized me, he broke into a big smile, nodding his
head. But he did not make a sound. He was about 11 years old when
I was arrested, now he was as tall as me. We got into the white
car and I told my nephew to drive back to the jail. There I managed
to get some of the employees to give money and necessities to my
friends still in prison. We then drove back to Tharrawaddy town
and I came across an old friend, a fellow activist. Together we
headed for Rangoon. It turned out that my friend's father was a
Pyithu Hluttaw representative who is still inside the prison. It
had been reported that his health was deteriorating.
On our way back to Rangoon, I did not speak to my mother or to
my nephew and I forgot to talk about my family. I was asking my
friend many questions about the changes and latest developments
within the political parties. My friend said that there were plans
to stage demonstrations when tourists poured into the country, as
that year had been designated "Visit Myanmar Year" by the government.
He also talked about the Student Unions' movement, activities of
the National League for Democracy, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's public
meetings and about her popular speeches. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has
repeatedly said that we must have perseverance and courage. I believe
she will attain power if she really means what she has said. Moreover,
I like her 'soft but firm strategy' to fight against dictators.
I remembered a magazine article by Dagon Taryar, a well-known Burmese
poet and writer.
At the time I found his article in the magazine I was in barrack
4 of Tharrawaddy jail. The article was also read and much appreciated
by those from barrack 5. The title was "Softness & Strength".
Another speech by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, "it stated that"if negotiations
were possible between the whites and blacks, why not between Burmese
people?" But I think Burma's politics are more subtle and more complicated.
In South Africa, everyone can easily see what is white and what
is black. In our case, we are the same color, but, we have been
trying to define who is politically "white" and who is not. It is
because the differences cannot easily be seen. To know the truth,
perhaps hundreds more people need to go to jail. Then they could
clearly see.
All this time, driving in the car, I had forgotten to talk to my
mother who was sitting in the front seat. She must have thought
of me as a crazy because, less than an hour after I had been released,
I was talking about how more and more people should go into jail.
When I looked at my mother's face she was fast asleep -- she must
have not slept at all the night before. I told my nephew to slow
down. There had been an increase in the number of car accidents
on the highways during the past month. In fact, I met a dozen motorists
who landed in jail because of reckless driving.
Motorists are not those of loose moral character or who are lacking
responsibility, but they are usually not in harmony with prison
authorities. Long-distance drivers have a lot of general knowledge
because they constantly are moving from place to place in the country.
As they travel they meet people from all walks of life and they
have their own philosophy on the nature of human society. Therefore,
we inmates would seek out these motorists, especially long-distance
drivers, who have the most colorful lives.
In prison, there are two strong forces that form groups -- the
first group is made up of political prisoners who always oppose
prison authorities and the second group is comprised of thieves
and robbers. Prison officials such as the chief jailer, wardens
and other employees prefer to collaborate with thieves and robbers
who come to the prison.
I also had to explain the meaning and seriousness of 'si-mann-chet'
to my nephew. You can call it a project or operation, sometimes
similar to a military operation. These so-called "projects" are
often launched in our country when a governmental organization is
no longer able to handle or solve problems. If someone violates
one of the traffic rules during a 'project period,' that person
would surely receive penalties involving both a jail term and a
fine. During a project period, the authorities would not think twice
about the seriousness of an offense; neither would they care about
the law. Basically, it is a repressive measure taken against unsuspecting
and unfortunate people for minor offenses. I told my nephew that
even if a car brushes the side of another car, police will grab
the motorist and send him before a judge who would hand down at
least a one year imprisonment with hard labor if the accident should
take place during a project period.
I heard a story of an unfortunate man who was driving his car
on a road that stretched along the fields. He pulled his car over
to the side of the road to check his engine Unfortunately it happened
to be on soft ground which suddenly gave way to the pressure of
the car. The car slid into a roadside field. Legal action was taken
against him under the "road safety project regulations" and the
court handed down two years imprisonment to him.
It is difficult for a judge who might be in such a situation, because
he or any other judge, could not accept a bribe and acquit the motorist
during a project time. If you have a relative working closely for
the SLORC authorities, your case may often be dismissed, but if
you get involved in a car accident during 'si-mann-chet' period,
it is likely that you would be given at least one year hard labor
even though you are willing to bribe the judges at the township
or divisional levels. Besides, it takes a long time to file appeals
for reducing your sentence -- you have to wait for at least six
months. Therefore, when you get the release order, you would have
spent nearly 300,000 Kyat and already been in prison for about a
year.
Being in prison is quite costly too. When a new prisoner enters
a jail he is greeted by the yelling, cursing and beating of warders
or other prison employees. The new inmate soon becomes aware that
some inmates have to be hospitalized because of these cruel beatings.
It is compulsory for a new inmate who is there on criminal charges
to pay an entrance fee, placement fee, cleaning fee, warder fee
and many others though you do not exactly know for what the 'fee'
goes. In addition, if an inmate is unable to work or does not want
to work at ye-bet camps (prison labor camps) he has to pay 3,000
Kyat monthly and another 3,000 Kyat for light duties. Prices vary
depending on the nature of the favor. To take daily showers you
have to pay 1,000 Kyat per month and another 1,000 Kyat monthly
for sufficient amounts of food. There are many other things inmates
have to pay, in fact, you have to spend as much money as staying
at an expensive hotel. Do not be shocked if you are continually
approached for "donations." If a prison employee gets married or
his sister-in-law dies, you are supposed to make some contribution.
If toilets need repair or a prison barrack needs painting or some
showers have to be fixed, inmates there for political reasons should
be ready to make donations in cash.
If you are unable to pay or make donations, your entire prison
life would be filled with reprisals and eventually you would end
up in hospital. If you decide to work at the ye-bet camps, one should
be aware of the fact that the survival rate at those camps is around
twenty percent.
There is a saying in prison circles among the chief jailers, jailers,
wardens, prison employees and inmates; so many prisoners have died
while working on the new Rangoon-Mandalay highway that if their
bodies were laid down on the new highway, the line would stretch
twice or three times the distance of that highway. It is surprising
that no one seems to know that the present military gover- nment
has broken, many times over, the record set by the Japanese government
during World War II, which constructed the notorious 'death railroad'
where thousands of people died while working on its construction.
I needed to explain these matters to my nephew. We had spent so
much time together while growing up, we were very attached to each
other. He is still very young and full of life. He could not understand
the prison system. Again, I remembered my mother sitting beside
my nephew in the front seat. I realized that she had suffered acutely
painful feelings when I was arrested after the '88 crisis. I could
not think of how many mothers have shed tears for their sons and
daughters who lost their lives during these anti-government demonstrations.
We stopped at Hmawbi, about a one-hour drive from Rangoon. We had
tea and snacks at a tea-shop named "Joy," but the owner of that
shop did not appear to be happy. I knew that the tea-shop owner
was U Soe, a Pyithu Hluttaw representative from Hmawbi township.
After having been elected by the people, he had been in and out
of prison very often and was interrogated many times. When he began
his business, he invited me to attend the ceremony that marked the
opening of his tea-shop. But that was in 1989 and I was not able
to attend.
Before leaving the tea-shop, I asked the owner whether or not "Joy"
was the name originally given to the shop when it was opened, as
I remembered it as having a different name. "When I first opened
the shop the name was 'Hero Zon,'" the owner told me. "However,
the colonel of the township-level Law and Order Restoration Council
told me to change it as it was too similar to Moe Thee Zun, the
name of a leading student activist." Thet Hmu
From BURMA DEBATE Vol.4 No. 4
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