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Denying the anti-fascist revolution
This appeared 'Denying the anti-fascist revolution in Burma' in
The Nation newspaper in 1998.
On November 10,1998, Lieutenant Genereal Khin Nyunt, head of the
Burmese military intelligence unit, spoke at the opening of the
Burma-Rangoon. "We shall never forget the important role played
by Japan in our struggle for independence," said the SPDC First
Secretary, the most powerful general in the SPDC. "In the same
vein, we will remember that our Tatmadaw [military] was born in
Japan."
Many Burmese were confused about the General's words. They didn't
understand exactly what the General wanted to mean, especially by
using the words "the important role played by Japan."
The word 'important' is now controversial for Burmese people.
The term 'fascist' and mention of the cruelty of Japanese troops
were missing from the General's words. While Korean women have the
right to claim compensation from the Japanese government, Burmese
women who were used as concubines for the Japanese troops, and men
who were used as forced laborers to construct the Death-Railway
during the war have no right to compensation for their sufferings.
It is not because of the Japanese government paid reparations after
the war, none of this money went to Burmese victims of Japanese
atrocities. Instead, Burmese authorities pocketed the money.
"If such sorrowful incidents had occurred under the British
rulers, the junta would at the moment push and help the victims
to claim compensation from the British government," said an
old politician who didn't want to be named. "The junta targets
the British because of Dr. Michael Aris, husband of Daw Aung san
Suu Kyi. If Michael Aris were Japanese, their target would be changed
and the junta would complain about Japanese fascism."
In Burma's history, there are two famous revolutions in the struggle
for independence-the anti-fascist and the anti-colonialist revolutions.
Just before the 1988 military coup, Burmese students from primary
to high school classes had to learn about those two revolutions.
Students who took history as their major subject had to learn those
two revolutions before they could get their degree. However, under
the BSPP most of the historical films that could be seen by Burmese
people were anti-fascist. In particular, the moves showed the brutality
and rudeness of the fascist Japanese during their occupation. Although
the movies showed the fascist Japanese troops rape, torture and
act inhumanely, there were no movies bout such actions by the British
troops. Every actor and actress in the anti-fascist movies was awarded
the Burmese Academy Prize for acting. But everything has changed
since the 1988 military coup.
Since the 1988 military coup the junta has ordered that historical
films must show only the situation under the British government.
The state-run newspapers report about the British colonialists 'oppression
very often. Worse, the junta has also slowly been changing the curriculum
for its own students. There may be only one famous revolution in
the Burmese students' curriculum-anti colonialism-and no longer
an anti-fascist revolution. Why? The answer is that western countries
strongly wupport the democracy movement and constantly criticize
the junta over human rights abuses.
In the state-run newspaper published in 1990, the junta daily described
a massacre by British troops, which occurred in Taung Tha Township,
Mahdalay Division. These serial articles are now being published
in the state-run newspapers again. The so-called journalists who
were recruited by the junta had many interviews with whose local
people who were still alive and eyewitnesses. The junta had many
interviews with the villagers who were living in Mandalay and Magwe
Divisions, where the massacres by the British troops occurred during
the Second World War. This doesn't mean that the junta is trying
to explore the true history, though.
According to the local villagers, the massacres occurred not only
under the British rulers but also under the Japanese troops. At
first, they wondered why the junta only tried to dig out history
about crimes perpetrated by the British rulers. It was only after
the villagers were forcibly sent to an infrastructure site as laborers
that they realized the methods the junta used were the same as those
used by the Japanese troops during the war.
If the elderly people who have lived under both the British rulers
and Japanese troops were asked, they could explain the true story,
that they never saw or heard about rape cases committed by British
troops, only by Japanese troops.
"To be frank with you, there was nothing good about living
under either invader. However, the Japanese troops were more brutal
and ruder than the British. As far as I know, the British seemed
to follow and respect the laws and regulations," said one elderly
man who had to live under both rulers. "The Japanese troops
seemed to understand only killing, torture and rape. I am not confused
about why the junta is trying to hide the history of Japanese occupation.
It holds the same attitude to its ethnic minority people at the
borderline. And remember that after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi criticized
the junta as fascist, the Generals were so angry that they put her
under house arrest for six years."
Another one said,"It is right that our army was born in Japan.
It's also right that Saya San, a famous farmer revolution leader
under the British rulers, was hanged in Tharrawaddy prison in central
Burma. It's true that Bo Aung Gyaw, a famous student leader, was
killed during the 1938 demonstrations. We can try to understand
those sorrowful happenings because we had to live under invaders.
But I don't understand why under our Burmese rulers we are now treated
even worse. If Bo Aung Gyaw were killed during the 1988 uprising,
we could not even see his corpse. If Saya San were arrested under
this junta, he would be tortured before his death sentence. We are
now under our own neo-fascist rulers."
His explanation is very clear about the Burmese ruling junta. Although
there were many innocent people and students who were killed during
the 1988 uprising, the junta claimed that just 15 were killed. So
far, nobody knows where other corpses were secretly buried. Many
NLD members and activists have been sent to prison without trial.
Many political prisoners died in custody because of harassment and
the prison conditions. In the military intelligence center, all
political detainees have been tortured, not by the Japanese and
British, but by the Burmese military intelligence officers.
Although the junta claims that the civil war occurred because to
the Divided Rule policy of the British, it also uses this policy
towards the minority ethnic groups, the NLD, students and people.
"The junta complains about the worst things of colonialism
on the surface. However, I believe that in their minds they thank
the British so much for how to divide the opposition groups,"
said a retired history lecturer. "In reality, the junta chose
to practice even worse things than Fascist Japan and the British
colonialists. The junta has been using many laws and rules, which
were adopted by the British to oppress our Burmese people, especially
the revolutionaries."
Under British colonial rule, the laws regulating prisons and courts
were created. The junta uses the same laws, but has taken away the
rights that prisoner once had under the British. Now political prisoners
have no right to a lawyer for their trial. Once imprisoned, they
are not allowed to read or study.
Ye Teiza, a prominent student activist and former political prisoner,
said, "I had a chance to meet with many old politicians in
prison who have lived in prison under the British and the BSPP.
When I asked them which prison situation is better, they all answered
that the situation under the junta is the worst."
The junta always complains very loudly that general Aung San was
assassinated by a British government conspiracy. However, from the
time of the BSPP to the ruling military junta, no top military leader
has paid respect to Maryrs' Day on July 19, when General Aung San
and other national leaders were assassinated. They are never interested
in attending the Martyrs' day ceremony. In the past, Burmese people
anxiously awaited the sound of sirens, which would sound on Martyrs
Day at the time that General Aung San was assassinated. This allowed
them to pay their great respects to their national heroes, and they
would observe one minute's silence. Under the junta there are no
more sirens as the national sign of sorrow. This clearly means that
the junta has been trying to tarnish the image of General Aung San.
Why? The answer may be that General Aung San is the fater of Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi who is supported by the majority of Burmese people.
If General Aung San had been assassinated by Japanese troops, the
junta would try to hide the whole history of Martyrs' Day, and not
only tarnish the image of General Aung San.
As long as the British and other western countries strongly criticize
the junta's human rights abuses and ignoring of the May 1990 election
result, and Dr. Michael Aris is still British, the words that loudly
come from the junta will be 'anti-colonialism.' As long as the junta,
which has been accused of being neo-fascist by its own people, holds
the power, and the Japanese government healthily supports so-called
humanitarian aid to the junta, the anti-fascist revolution will
no longer appear on the Leaves of Burmese history. However, it is
the Burmese people who will need to prove that history is not in
the hands of the junta.
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