Ten Years On

Too Late to learn

by Moe Aye

 

Too Late to learn

This appeared as an article in the Bangkok Post in 1998.

One may find if hard to believe that there is a country where a student is imprisoned for 14 years for writing the history of a student movement while murderers, rapists and drug traffickers are handed sentences as light as one to seven years. But such a country does exist. It's called Burma-a nation of despots run by the military, where human rights violations are at a record high.

Ko Aun Htun, a former Rangoon Institute of Technology student and Central Executive Committee member of the ABSFU was arrested in January and sentenced to 14 years for compiling The History of the Burmese Students Movement, his second time in prison under the junta. His act was described as 'terrorism' by the junta.

The first time he was taken into custody was in November 1990, when he was jailed for five years for his involvement in the ABFSU. In October 1991, he was transferred from Insein to Tharawaddi prison. He was kept in solitary confinement for a long period of time and as a result he now suffers from asthma. He was released in 1994.

There are many students such as Htun who are sent to prison for the second time. And there are many students, including Min Ko Naing for a long time. For over nine years Min Ko Naing has been living in a solitary confinement is that most political prisoners suffer from tuberculosis and asthma.

Just after the SPDC claimed that they would re-open all universities, colleges and institutes, they conducted a major crackdown on student activists. In a press conference on March 1, 1998, the junta accused them of involvement with terrorist activities and being communist underground cells.

In reality, some to them were arrested because of their assistance to Ko Aung Htun to conpile the book. Ko Khun Sai (former medical student, prominent student leader of U Thant's funeral riot in 1974, and former political prisoner from 1989 to 1993), Soe Lwin (Central Executive Committee of ABBESU and a former political prisoner from 1990 to 1993), Dr. Maung Maung Kyaw (a lawyer and former political prisoner from 1989 to 1992), U Thar Bann (a lawyer and former political prisoner from 1991 to 1995), Ms. Su Su Win and Ms. Khin Moe Aye were imprisoned for from seven to ten years for helping Htun.

Some were arrested because they tried to send some documents to Un special envoy and to Mr. Kofi Annan. Why does the junta claim that compiling a book-The History of the Burmese Students Movement-is committing terrorism? Are those who love freedom of expression and hate dictatorships communists?

In the press conference, Col. Kyaw Thein said that Htun is a communist because he has been familiar with former communists. In saying so, the SPDC is the closest friend of Communist China in this Southeast Asian region.

In fact, the book documents the student movement on 7 July 1962, U Thant's funeral riot and the 1988 uprising with file photos and shames the Burmese military rulers. To get the true story, Htun had to go and meet the people who participated in the movements and ask what really happened. If U Ne Win and the former Generals agreed, Htun would go and ask them who really ordered the destruction of the Student Union Building on 7 July 1962. He would ask why they did not pay their respects to U Thant (former Secretary General of UN) and hold a State funeral for U Thant. Is Thant a communist too?

After the press conference, the authorities continued to oppress the students both in prison and outside. For the time being, the MIS are re-interrogating the students in prison, especially those who are close to finishing their prison terms. The questions the MIS are asking are:

(1) What will you do after you are released from prison?
(2) Will you continue to be involved in politics?
(3) Will you try to go and meet with Daw Suu after being released?
(4) Do you think Daw Suu could sove the country's problems?
(5) What do you think of changing the name from SLORC to SPDC?
The MIS's re-interrogations have annoyed parents whose children are about to finish their prison terms because they could result in extensions to their sentences. If a political prisoner's answers are not acceptable to the MIS, the result may turn out badly for the prisoner instead of him or her being released. The prisoner could be sentenced for violating Prison Rules. He or she is in the junta's hands.

In November 1995, U Win Tin (NLD). Ko Yo Myein (the former head of information for Daw Suu) and other political prisoners were accused of violating Prison Rules. Although they were not guilty, they were all sentenced to seven years imprisonment in March 1996. At that time, Ko Myo Myint Nyein and some of the students needed only three weeks to finish their prison terms.

Sometimes the MIS re-interrogate prominent activists in prison by reasoning that the junta leaders want to know their opinions. In reality, the authorities want to test whether their beliefs are still strong or not. While being interrogated in prison in September 1994, one student who lead the December 1991 demonstration in Rangoon University campus was threatened that he would be held in prison as long as the junta rule the country because be he criticized U Ne Win and the SPDC leaders. Moreover, he firmly demanded to have the right to from a Student Union in order protect students' rights.

The students were all transferred to different prisons. If a student's family lives in Rangoon, he will be transferred to prison far from there. The authorities deliberately send political prisoners to prisons far from their families. The MIS want the families to have difficulties in visiting their sons, daughters, wives and husbands in prison. Every times the families request whether it is possible to transfer their relative to a prison nearer their residence, the authorities always reply that this is the best way to pressure the families to tell their sons and daughters to keep quiet in prison and not to continue with politics after their release. This only hurts the families more.

At the same time, the township MIS is checking the list of students who will attend their classes when the universities are re-opened. The MIS is checking for students who are relatives of former political prisoners as well as students in prison and in exile. The township SPDC are also trying to get a guarantee from parents that their sons and daughters will not participate in any political movement.

It is sad that most former student political prisoners have not the right to continue their education. As well as university students, even the high and middle school students have no right to do so. In January 1990, three students from the high school of South Okkalapa Township, Rangoon, were arrested and sentenced to three years imprisonment for their involvement in the Student Union. At that time they were in only eighth standard and were 15 years old. Their parents appealed to the military tribunal to release their sons because of their age. As usual it was rejected. In 1993, they were released from prison and their parents requested to the authorities to allow their sons to continue the education. But their sons were banned from attending school forever.

They were not criminals or terrorists. Why was the punishment so harsh? Now they are over 23 years old. Do they have to stop learning at only eighth standard? There are many young students such as them. What is the meaning of re-opening or closing the universities for them? Their classmates before being arrested were close to having a degree.

On 10 December 1991 when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, the students peacefully demonstrated in the Rangoon University campus and demanded her release from house arrest. Those students were sentenced to from ten to twenty years imprisonment in March 1992. They have been kept in prison for over six years. At that time, the youngest student was only 17 years and in ninth standard. If the junta does not exetenthe prions term, the youngest student will be release when he is over 26 years old. But his education had to stop at only ninth standard.

It is not only jailed Members of Parliament who are banned from running democracy eludes Burma, this cannot be said for Burmese students under the SPDC who are banned from attending their schools.

There is a saying that it is never too late to learn. However, as long as democracy eludes Burma, this cannot be said for Burmese students under the SPDC who are banned from attending their schools.


 

 

 

About the Author

Moe Aye was born in Mandalay in 1964 and was a student at the Rangoon Institute of Technology throughout the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. During the uprising he joined the All Burma Federation of Student Union (ABFSU). He later joined the youth wing of the National League for Democracy (NLD), becoming in-charge of information in Botahtaung Township. On the morning of August 9, 1988, the army shot at him while he was demonstrating nears the Shwe Dagon Pagoda in Rangoon.

He was arrested by Military Intelligence on November 7, 1990. Moe Aye was charged under Section 5(j) of the 1050 Emergency Provision Act and was sentenced to seven years imprisonment with hard labour. At the time of his arrest, he was working for the ABFSU and was also carrying out duties for the NLD youth.

While in Insein Special Prison Moe Aye met Mr.James Leander Nichols and learned how the honorary consul to four Scandinavian countries was being questioned and beaten by November 22, 1996, and due to the harsh condition in prison he had to seek intensive medical treatment. Some six months later Moe Aye left for Thailand and is now living there. He is a regular correspondent for Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), a radio station based in Oslo, and has articles regularly published in The Nation, a daily newspaper in Thailand.