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After gaining independence from British
colonial rule in 1947, Burma experienced 15 years of democracy.
In 1962 the military staged a coup, and the country has been under
military rule ever since. From 1974 to 1988 the military ruled through
the mechanism of the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), the
only political party allowed to exist. In1988 the junta responded
to mass calls for democracy by shooting protester; an estimated
10,000 people were killed. In 1990 the regime bowed to international
pressure and held a general election. The opposition National League
for Democracy (NLD) won an overwhelming victory. The junta refused
to recognize the result of Burma have had to endure a harsh crackdown
by the military, involving the arrest and detention of thousands
of supporters of democracy, denial of freedoms of speech, assembly
and association, and violence-particularly targeting ethnic minorities.
Member of the NLD and other opposition parties are put under tremendous
pressure; many have been forced to resign.
On June 24, 1998 some 3000 people gathered outside an apartment
block in Rangoon and braved heavy rain in the hope of finding news
of a relative who died ten years ago. Rumors had spread like wildfire
that the ghost of someone killed in the 1988 pro-democracy uprising
was terrorizing the apartment block. It was at this apartment block
in June 1988 where demonstrating students were brutally gunned down
by riot police. All those who had come to see the ghost had lost
a family member in 1988.
Although nobody is sure whether or not the ghost was real, the incident
greatly worried the ruling military junta, which has attempted to
bury the events of 1988. The incident also stirred the parents whose
sons and daughters were killed ten years ago.
A woman whose son was killed at midnight on August 3, 1988 said,
"I always wonder whether of not the soul of my son of my son
is still on the streets, and I always pray that he may someday reach
heaven. Although they (the military) can forget about it, I will
never forget my son. Every August 8, I go and walk along the street
in front of the City Hall where my son was killed, "she said.
"The worst thing is that although I know my was killed there,
I never saw his body."
There are many parents with similar stories, and many who don't
know for sure whether their sons and daughters are still alive.
Some believe their loved ones are in the jungle fighting for democracy,
while others think their children may have resettled in third country.
If people are actually reincarnated after they die, then those
in Burma who were killed during the 1988 popular uprising would
now be ten years old. They would be surprised to see the number
of large hotels, apartment blocks, nightclubs and fashion shows
in Burma, as well as air-con buses and pubs. Perhaps one of the
most interesting things for them would be the change in traditional
values over the past decade and the sight of young girls selling
cigarettes on the streets, in teashops and in bars.
If one of the reincarnated were a student, he would be sad to know
that there have been only three years of academic study in the past
ten. He would probably ask his friends who survived the 1988 uprising,
"What improvements have there been in education these ten years?"
After hearing that many students are in prison, he would probably
say, "If there were such a thing as Asian values, for Burmese
students it would be 'paying the price for democracy'."
If one of the reincarnated were a monk, he would be very angry
to discover that many venerable monks were arrested and imprisoned
for their strike in September 1990. What would also amaze him are
the many televisions and video recorders in each monastery. He would
conclude, "Perhaps televisions and video recorders are used
as bribes to keep monks away from politics, because before 1988
the regime prohibited monks even watching football."
If one of the reincarnated were a businessman, he would at first
welcome the 'open market economy'. But he would later be disappointed
to understand that the open market is not for everyone but is restricted
to an elite few. Then he would say, "I support the investment
sanctions and blame those countries that allowed Burma to enter
ASEAN for supporting the junta."
Although they took place over ten years ago, for the people of
Burma the events of 1988 seem to have happened only yesterday. The
relatives of the 10,000 people killed nationwide in the uprising
are still suffering. They have the right to know who gave the order
to shoot unarmed, peaceful demonstrators, and the right to know
where the bodies are buried. The problem is that according to the
junta, only 15 protesters were killed during the uprising. It is
interesting to see that in Thailand the relatives of those killed
in the May 1992 demonstrations now have the right to sue the authorities.
It is true that over these ten years many things have changed in
the world. The Cold War finished, apartheid came to an end in South
Africa, Suharto resigned in Indonesia and in Cambodia elections
have been held for a second time. Even in Nigeria, elections have
been held and political prisoners freed.
Unfortunately for Burma, nothing has improved over the past ten
years. In fact things are now worse than in 1988. There are hundreds
of thousands of refugees from Burma who have fled to neighboring
countries. Human rights abuses have constantly risen over the years,
including massive forced labor and forced relocation of villagers
across the country.
Opium production is at a record high, as is inflation, and corruption
is rampant. There is no proper medical system or social welfare,
and the HIV/AIDS epidemic in Burma is now threatening whole communities.
The education system is virtually destroyed with the junta closing
schools and universities without warning for long periods whenever
they fear social or political tensions are rising.
The 1990 May election result, which the NLD won by a landslide,
is consistently ignored and the junta refuses to have a dialogue
with the NLD. At the same time, there are up to 2000 political prisoners
in the country's jails. In this dire situation, all the military
leaders have done is change the name of the junta.
In the closed society imposed by the regime, nobody can openly
discuss their opinions or feelings-even the NLD. As a result, the
international community has difficulty obtaining any credible information
about what is really happening inside Burma. With restrictions over
media flow, the world relies on the opposition groups in exile and
on the border areas. Information about the situation in the prisons
is still far away and many questions remain obscure.
It is against this background that I have published this book,
in an effort to fill some of the information gaps. Torture, inhumane
imprisonment conditions, and deaths of political prisoners are not
often discussed from a personal perspective. Articles in the book
also address the atrocious education system in Burma, issue facing
illegal immigrants and general political questions. This is only
a small part of the story occurring inside Burma. I will be glad
if it can be of some use in shedding light on the human tragedy-taking
place in 'The Golden Land'.
Moe Aye
March 1999
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