Letters from Burma by Aung San Suu Kyi.

Eight Years Ago

In Burma the number eight is not generally held to be in any way special, although as Buddhists most of the people of the country know of the noble eightfold path and the eight victories of the Lord Buddha. But eight years ago, in 1988, the number eight unexpectedly acquired a political significance. On the eighth of August of that year, "8-8-88," a general strike was declared and public demonstrations that had been taking place throughout the nation for several days took on massive proportions. Participating in these peaceful demonstrations were people of all ages, from all the different strata of society: students, farmers, laborers, civil servants, including members of the armed forces, Buddhist monks, Christians, Muslims, intellectuals, professionals, businessmen, small traders, housewives and artists. Their united demand was for change: They wanted no more of the authoritarian rule, initiated by a military coup in 1962, that had impoverished Burma intellectually, politically, morally and economically.

The discontent that had been simmering in the country for years had come to a boil in March 1988 after an incident in a tea shop led to the killing of a university student by members of the security forces, Students held demonstrations demanding an open investigation into the death, and when it became evident that these demands would not be met by the authorities more demonstrations broke out in June. The country was in ferment and in July U Ne Win, the chairman of the BSPP, U San Yu, the president, and a number of the nation's top leaders resigned. At the dramatic emergency congress where the resignations were announced the outgoing chairman declared that a decision should be made as to whether the country should continue under one-party rule or whether it should opt for a multiparty system. He also made the ominous remark that when the army shot, it shot straight.

Within a matter of days it became sufficiently clear that the new administration under President U Sein Lwin had no intention of abolishing one party dictatorship. The frustrations that the people of Burma had been holding back for some two decades erupted and they poured out on to the streets in a great, spontaneous demonstration of their desire for a governing system that would respect their will. The movement for democracy had begun.

It is never easy to convince those who have acquired power forcibly of the wisdom of peaceful change. On the night of Aug. 8 the army moved to crush the demonstrations, shooting down thousands of unarmed people, including children, throughout the land. The killings went on for four days but the demonstrations continued and the president, U Sein Lwin, resigned. The next president, Dr. Maung Maung, was the first head of state Burma had known in nearly three decades who had not come into government from the ranks of the military. For a while the people hoped their demands for democracy would be met speedily. However, on Sept. 18 troops once again fired on unarmed demonstrators and the military took over the country. The new junta assumed what has often been described as an Orwellian title: the State Law and Order Restoration Council or SLORC.

The SLORC proclaimed that it was not interested in holding on to power for long and that it would establish multiparty democracy in Burma within a short period of time. Political parties were required to register with the Multiparty Elections Commission which was charged with the responsibility of organizing free and fair elections. More than 200 parties registered, among them the National League for Democracy (NLD).

From the very beginning the path the NLD had to tread was far from smooth. The enthusiastic support of the public which led to NLD offices springing up even in the remotest villages brought upon the party the unfriendly attention of the authorities. The SLORC had announced that the military powers would observe a strictly neutral position but it soon became evident that the National Unity Party, as the BSPP had decided to restyle itself, was very much the favored political organization. Harrassment and intimidation become everyday matters for members of the NLD. But we learned to cope and amidst teething pains our party became stronger by the day.

In building up the NLD our chief concern was to establish a close, mutually beneficial relationship with the general public. We listened to the voice of the people that our policies might be in harmony with their legitimate needs and aspirations. We discussed with them the problem of our country and explained why in spite of its inevitable flaws, we considered to be better than other political systems. Most important of all, we sought to make them understand why we believed that political change was best achieved through nonviolent means.